The Anne Frank House (Amsterdam) where documents were sorted and collated in the basement for further research |
By Robin Wright
Special to the Washington Post
Monday, August 2, 1976
JOHANNESBURG - South
Africa’s racial violence in June revealed as much about white opposition as it
did about black dissent: significant white anti-government militancy barely exists
inside the country, despite the increasingly loud calls for change by white
South Africans.
Only once did
whited take advantage of the turmoil to express sympathy with the black rioters
– when students from the University of Witwatersrand briefly paraded through
downtown Johannesburg.
The reasons are
related to a crackdown by efficient South African security police over the past
year, according to a liberal white politician. Police have all but squashed the
small but militant white anti-government factions through a series of arrests,
detentions and trials of dissidents.
Only one militant
white group has recently reemerged with any force – and only after changing
tactics from a radical and “romantic” plot aimed at overthrowing the government
to a more sophisticated campaign to discredit “establishment supporters” of the
government.
That group is
Okhela, believed to be the most clandestine white group operating within South
Africa. Its most recent “coup” was an expose, entitled The Oil Conspiracy that
documented how multinational companies based in South Africa allegedly broke
sanctions by supplying oil to Rhodesia. It was published late last month by the
United Church of Christ’s Centre for Social Action.
Supported by
letters, internal memoranda and invoices, the report outlined a complex scheme allegedly
operated mainly through the Mobil Oil branch in South Africa for 10 years, “whereby
it has sold oil products to Rhodesia through an agreed chain of intermediary South
African companies, most of which are in fact bogus”.
Mobil
headquarters in New York vigorously denied the allegations.
The report also
claimed that Shell, Caltex, BP and Total oil companies set up similar
procedures to get other oil products into Rhodesia. The embarrassing to South
Africa was the charge that a government-owned corporation, Sasol, actively
assisted in the manoeuvring.
The document
itself is not as significant as the implications of its leak by Okhela,
according to as South African political commentator. “Everyone knew that
Rhodesia had to be getting its petrol supplies from South Africa – it was just
a question of who was doing it and how”, the commentator said.
“What is more
interesting ids that Okhela managed to penetrate that organization and purloin
the highly secret documents. It took a good deal of investigation and legwork
to put that together.”
The report also
indicates that Okhela – formerly known as Atlas – has surfaced again after
being threatened with oblivion and public ridicule just eight months ago.
The dissident
white group appeared to be finished after the arrest last year of white
Afrikaans poet and Okhela co-founder Breyten Breytenbach during a trip to South
Africa from exile in Europe to recruit and organize white opposition.
During his
subsequent trial on charges under the Terrorism Act and Suppression of Communism
Act Breytenbach admitted that in Paris he had been involved in training South
African exiles in espionage and sabotage with the goal of overthrowing the
South African government. He said Okhela was the “white wing” of the banned
African National Congress, a black South African movement head quartered in
London.
But the overall
impression left was that Okhela was made up of “romantic idealists who were unrealistic
and ill-prepared to put their plans into action”, said a self-described
socialist who knew the individuals charged. “Breytenbach made all white
underground efforts look ridiculous”.
The near-fatal
blow to the organization came at the end of the trial when Breytenbach pleaded
guilty to 11 counts of terrorism and apologized to the government: “I am sorry
for the ridiculous and stupid things I have done”.
He went as far as
to apologise to Prime Minister John Vorster for an insulting poem he had
written and thanked the police for their humane treatment. He was sentenced to
nine years in jail.
The episode
caused a severe backlash both among blacks and white liberals. Madikwe
Manthatha of the South African Council of Churches said “this case will
undoubtedly heighten disillusionment of blacks with whites.”
The security
police provided further embarrassment by revealing that they had Breytenbach
under surveillance throughout his trip, arresting him only minutes before his
departure and thus netting several other persons he contacted. “The trial
proved the police have a grip on the opposition,” a white reporter commented.
The government
has since passed a stiff new Internal Security Act that allows for detention of
any suspected person dissident for up to a year without recourse to legal
council, bail or the courts.
Okhela thus
appears to be the main avenue to white militancy here. Yet, extensive
interviewing among anti-government whites did not turn up a single person who
could claim knowledge of Okhela. Most, however, expressed surprise about the
extensive work on the “Oil Conspiracy Report”
“If they are legitimate,
it opens up a whole new field for ‘dissidence’” a liberal white editorial writer
commented. “It’ll be hard to catch them and the damage could prove to be far
more devastating to the government in the long run. But it’ll still be bloody
hard to keep it from the cops”
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