Dr Ton Korver, co-founder of the student goup PLUTO, precursor to reviving the
Dutch Anti Apartheid Movement
REVIVING THE DUTCH ANTI APARTHEID MOVEMENT 1971
“Schuitema founded the AABN and Schuitema was the AABN”, say the people
who in that period worked with him”. Sietse Bosgra 2005. (2)
As explained above, my becoming involved
with the Dutch Anti Apartheid Movement was not planned but came by default.
After Security Police harassment I experienced in South Africa because of a
peripheral activity linked to the Christian Institute, I was determined to
study hard and recoup the time lost on the mines. In South Africa I had my mind
fixed on getting involved with Reverend Beyers Naude once I was through with my
mine engineering training. As bad luck had it, I felt myself driven into a
corner with a failed marriage and ostracized in the Klerksdorp mining community
because of the work I was doing for the elderly blacks at risk of being
“endorsed out” of South Africa. I scuttled out of South Africa on the spur of
the moment after being picked up by the Security Police on the way back from
the farm project. While cutting, running and dumping everything was a reckless
move it was not ill-considered move. I had all along felt that mining was not
cut out for me. Working underground as a supervisor showed the daily cruelty
that underpinned the concentration camp life of the workers on the surface. To
be ignorant of these things going on as a child was bliss; to become actually
involved with the bloodiness of it all hands on a different thing altogether.
It made me think, sympathize and make connections to the suffering caused by
vagaries of economic life.
Reading economics out of sheer concern for
my own life in particular and society in general was sparked while training on
the mines. It gave me a sense of proportion in the scale and magnitude of the
drama that unfolds daily underground as the moral side of the huge mountains of
rock accumulated on the surface. The mystery of gold taken out of the ground
thousands of meters down below the surface, to be buried in Fort Knox certainly
was a spark of thought that later assumed the momentum of a steam engine and
came on track once I could live out the action plan as it unfolded in the Anti
Apartheid Movement.
So the degree from the University of
Amsterdam was the prize I was looking for to compensate for time, effort not
lost as much as it left me with a need to understand the lost discovered human
concern. I had one thing that drove me from day to day. In the mornings the
moment the University library doors opened I was in, had a bun, pint of milk,
and the last one out late at night when the doors closed. I was reading
furiously everything about everything, scouring encyclopedias and leaving
traces in books as the mental journal progressed with the goal to return to
South Africa as soon as I had my Doktoraal degree.
However, the letter writing altercation
with Eschel Rhoodie of the South African Embassy in The Hague deflected this
plan. Initially I had kept aloof from radical student activities and politics.
But then word was that I had been victimized for the letters of truth I was
overwhelmed by support from my fellow students and was soon in at the deep end.
To avoid eviction because my resident permit to stay studying in Amsterdam was
in jeopardy and the Dutch authorities baffled by the South African action to
withdraw my passport, the students rallied around me. And so I rallied and
became a part of the action. I was in
with gusto seeing that I was thrown in at the deep end of statelessness in any
case.
But even so I kept very much to the
student movement activities within the University and did not venture beyond
that. I also found that even trying to engage with discussion with the then
existing Anti Apartheid Movement in the Netherlands, under the title of Comité
Zuid Afrika, landed me with a serious credibility problem. During the late
1960s people like Beyers Naude stood out as unique as there was virtually no
sign of any resistance during the period. There was nothing for concerned
people to relate to relate to in South Africa, especially for white activists,
and memory of the early 1960s receded into the dark of a forgotten past. Under
these circumstances anyone white who popped up abroad was automatically assumed
to be a spy. Besides the threadbare validation I had from Beyers Naude and his
friends in Holland, Anti Apartheid related organizations and activists looked
at newcomers with great suspicion.
But with the rallying of students around
me as a person made stateless overnight for merely expressing an opinion, meant
a base and action handed to me on a plate. I had serious qualms because I knew
what I was letting myself into and that any return to South Africa was a far
off possibility to say the least. I had sleepless nights and I knew what I was
letting myself into. Before I was dumped in at the deep end I regarded the
station of exile something like a prison term, something very terrible with
only the gallows at the end it one took the fight against the government of
one’s own country seriously.
In some of the quotes above validating my
key role in sparking off a new generation of Anti Apartheid Movement work from
the Netherlands, a few authors noted my “obsession” and total dedication to the
AABN. This obsession was due to my realizing that committing to the struggle
was no part time hobby, but had become the sole purpose of my life. This
posture of total dedication attracted a likewise dedicated group of activists.
Being totally committee I expected nothing less from those who joined with me
in the effort. There was a lot of attention focused on me by colleague students
who wanted to know what had happened to me; what was going on in South Africa;
and what had to be done. The action sparked spontaneously and almost
immediately I was running a weekly meeting among a cadre group of students who
were active members of the Aktiegroep Ekonomen. This Aktiegroep was no ordinary
group; it included first year students, right through to Doktoraal students who
intended setting up an alternative economics faculty at the University based on
Marxist texts. I joined a stream of action and conscious of a full-scale
revolution within our grasp. If the student revolt was spectacular, the Dutch
students achievement was less intrusive but made The Economist comment a few
years later that no other country in Europe had experience collapsing of
establishments more than in the Netherlands.
Once
the show was on the road at the University of Amsterdam, and once I had
accessed the Dutch alien passport, I decided to pay London a visit to introduce
myself to people in the solidarity and liberation movements. I had a few people
in mind to try to look up. Innocently my first query to locate David de Keller
at the offices of the Anti Apartheid Movement ended in my being told to get
lost. I had met and worked with David at the UCT. But I soon realized I
realized that the South African movements were heavily on the defensive against
spies and infiltrators for obvious reasons.
I then paid visit to the offices of the
SACP in Goodge Street. By good fortune I was able to sit down with Comrade Mike
Harmel for an extended discussion. This was a special experience. At that point
in my life where I was at a crossroads of a major moral conviction the meeting
with Harmel was one of those seldom-occurring incidences that make a lasting
impact. With Harmel I was validated not for what others had to say in favor of
or against me, but what I had to say for myself. After I shared with Harmel my
situation as it developed in South African and ended with my enrollment at the
University of Amsterdam, he explained to me that given the circumstance in
South Africa where the SACP had made itself invisible, it could not risk taking
on new members. The SACP was therefore not open to recruiting among
exiles.
However, he was very impressed with my
involvement with the student movement in Amsterdam and advised to make contact
with the CZA and the Dutch Communist Party in Amsterdam. He explained to me
that this was the way South African exiles were operating in London. All exiles
were expected to be part of the British Anti Apartheid Movement, and all South
African Communists become members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and
functioned members in an own branch.
On my return to Amsterdam I followed his
recommendation. However with the first contact was made with the CZA, as leader
and with a dispatch of my organized student group, we were treated with great
suspicion. This was no suspicion against me specifically, but the Dutch Comité
Zuid Afrika at that time would have no truck with the “mob of that leftist
University”. Joining the Dutch Communist Party was no option as it excluded
membership to foreigners, and especially active exiles from no matter where.
With regard to my becoming involved I wish
to leave the following quotes from writings of recognized authorities on the
subject matter. I need not blow my own trumpet as to whether or not I founded
the Dutch Anti Apartheid, as at this stage history can speak for itself. In the
notes below there are some viewpoints, which I do not share, but the facts are
not uncontested:
·
I did
not “found” the Dutch Anti Apartheid Movement, but revived an existing
structure leaving the overall history of the Anti Apartheid Movement in the
Netherlands not only intact, but enriched;
·
This was
a significant achievement as there was a dissipation of energy after successive
impulses from the Treason Trial and the Sharpeville massacre. In 1970 the CZA
was a lame duck organization.
·
Among
radicals the Anti Apartheid Movement did not find much favor and was often
looked at as a civil rights organization on par with that of the Southern
States of the US. With the radical influx from the “leftist” as well as the
Protestant Universities in Amsterdam the AABN was brought into the mainstream
thrust of the radical student movement; it set the Dutch movement on a course
on par with the Vietnam Movement. (See Luirink).
The following citations confirm or amplify
what has been written so far:
In the Netherlands, the first
organization set up was the Comite Zuid-Afrika, which was founded in 1960 by a
fairly broadly based group of people drawn from different political parties. In
the Netherlands, the Comite Zuid-Afrika (CZA) had originally favored dialogue
with the South African Government and with the whites in South Africa, but in
the light of its experience in trying to put its ideas into practice, it came
to take a position in line with the policies of the liberation movements - that
is, of disengagement. Meanwhile, it retained its humanitarian objects. Because
some individuals within the organization preferred to concentrate on one or
another aspect of the work, the CZA divided itself into two bodies: the Defense
and Aid Fund Netherlands concentrates on fund-raising and the Anti-Apartheid
Beweging Nederland operates on the political and activist level”. (Kadar Asmal,
1974)
“The initiator and key-man in the Anti
Apartheids Beweging Nederland was Berend Schuitema, a white and fanatical
anti-apartheid South African student in exile. He was already since spring 1970
in contact with CZA. One of the most important points of discussion between the
new activists and the old guard was the need for “radical campaigns and the
fear of the CZA board that this would alienate its members. Finally on 13/11/71
the Anti Apartheids Beweging Nederland (AABN) replaced the CZA”. (Sietse
Bosgra, 2005)
“In the Scandinavian countries, it had
become difficult to recruit voluntary workers for anti-apartheid campaigns
while there was an upsurge of interest in territories under Portuguese
domination where liberation movements were scoring real successes in the
military struggle”. (Sven Skomand, Danish M.P., 2005).
“The ‘motivated and fanatical newcomers’,
who tried in vain to reactivate CZA, were students from both Amsterdam
universities. The group had organized a demonstration in front of the South
African embassy against the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the
Republic, they organized an exhibition on fascism in South Africa in the Anna
Frank House, they disturbed a match against a visiting South African Springbok
polo team with smoke and paint bombs” (Sietse Bosgra, 2005).
“In 1971 Schuitema founded his own
organization and called it the Dutch Anti Apartheid Movement (AABN). The group soon established a prominence in
the Dutch press by disrupting sports events in which South African teams
participated. There were also sensational exposures of Dutch firms trading with
the illegal Rhodesian regime, which were carried extensively in the
international press. It was Schuitema's driving force and total dedication to
the work of the AABN, of which he was founding General Secretary, which won it
the respect of the radical student movement as well as the Broad Solidarity
Movement for Vietnam”. (Bart Luirink, 1993)
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