The anti apartheid
organisations 206 11.000 woorden
The Netherlands were
an exception in Western Europe because the anti-apartheid organizations were
very strong. They were capable to
determine the agenda of the anti-apartheid struggle and to involve a large part
of Dutch society on their side. The Netherlands was the only country were
government three times nearly collapsed over its South Africa policy . It was a
divided institution that in the end proved very effective.
The Dutch anti-apartheid
organizations
The “Comité Zuid-Afrika” (CZA) 1957-1971
In 1957 the first Dutch
anti-apartheid organization was founded, the “Comité Zuid-Afrika” (CZA).[1]
Founder was the clergyman J.J.Buskes, who had visited South Africa in 1955 to
investigate the race relations. His findings were embodied in a book “South
Africa’s apartheids policy: unacceptable”.[2]
The aim of CZA was to collect money by means of an art auction for the accused
of the Treason Trial in South Africa. When in 1958 that goal was accomplished
and 4.500 euro was collected the CZA fell silent/disappeared.
On the initiative of Karel Roskam
the CZA was relaunched in March 1960, just a few weeks before the Sharpeville
massacre. Roskam had visited South Africa in 1958/59 for his thesis on
apartheid. Like Buskes he had a protestant background, both were members of the
Dutch Labour Party. Buskes became chairman of the CZA, Roskam its secretary.
Karel Roskam gave afterwards a good
description of the board of CZA: “decent (keurige) ladies and gentlemen”. “We wanted
a truly (waarlijk) national committee, where (waarin) all public currents were
represented, with the exception of the Communist Party, as was usual in those
days”. Roskam also indicated the serious limitations of this structure: “Soon
it became clear that a broad committee like CZA had great difficulties to agree
to the means (strijdmiddelen), such as sanctions, where the ANC president
Albert Luthuli had asked for/ called for/appealed for. About violence as an
acceptable means to resist in South Africa we even did not discuss.” F11
The CZA started to publish a
regular “Information Bulletin, which at
its high-point had 1.000 subscribers. It only asked for donations to cover the
cost of its “Information Bulletin” and never collected money for the movements
in Africa. It had hardly any contact with the liberation movements. For the CZA
the ANC was the movement of Albert Luthuli, a moderate and peaceful Christian.
The first activity of the CZA was to appeal to MP’s and professors to nominate
Luthuli for the Nobel Prize for Peace. F11
Just as other anti-apartheid
organizations at that time the CZA only aimed at softening of the suffering of
the black majority through a dialogue with the white rulers. The organisation
hoped to change the policy of the Dutch and South African government by sending
them protest telegrams or polite and formal letters. In later years the CZA
asked the Dutch government repeatedly to end the supply of weapons to South
Africa, to stop the subsidizing of emigration and break off the Cultural
Agreement with South Africa. But the decision makers of both the Dutch and
South African government showed little interest in the opinions of the CZA.
Requests for a meeting with government ministers or the South African
ambassador were time after time (keer op keer) turned down.
In 1964 CZA organized during one
month a symbolic boycott of South African products. There were picket lines
organized in Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague. But still all organizations
connected with the communist party CPN were excluded from the campaign. The Dutch Labour Party and social-democratic
trade union NVV were the principal supporters of CZA.
CZA and Defense and
Aid Fund Netherlands (DAFN) 1965-1971
After the arrest in 1963 of 156
opponents of apartheid, amongst them Mandela, Tambo, Sisulu and Slovo, the
International Defense and Fund (IDAF) was founded to support the accused, with
branches in Britain, Ireland, Scandinavia and the Netherlands
When in 1965 the conservative Dutch minister of foreign
affairs Luns suddenly donated 45.000 euro to IDAF, not only the South African
government protested, but also many conservatives in The Netherlands. CZA decided to show that there was broad
support from the Dutch public for this donation by campaigning for another 45.000
euro. Forbthis purpose Defense and Aid Fund Netherlands (DAFN) was founded.
With the support of a committee of progressive writers and artists an art sale
was organized that was televised. The aimed amount was amply (ruimschoots)
reached. F24 After IDAF was declared an illegal organization by the South
African government the donation of the Dutch government was finally not sent to
IDAF, but to the U.N. Trust Fund for South Africa B150. And also the money
collected by DAFN went to this Trust Fund.
This was the first and the last
time for DAFN to seek large scale publicity. Throughout its existence DAFN
remained relatively unknown in the Netherlands. Board member Bert Musschenga:
“Fundraising was our primary aim. DAFN wanted to avoid that potential donors
would be frightened (schrik aanjagen) by controversial political activities.
‘Low profile’ was always characteristic for all activities of DAFN.” F23
In 1968 the shortage of manpower
became so serious that CZA and DAFN decided to form one organization, operating
with one board but under two different names. At this meeting Karel Roskam
finally convinced the board to declare in the press release that “CZA accepts
that violence as part of the liberation struggle is justified”. For the
representative of the conservative political party VVD in the board, Vonhoff,
this was the ground to withdraw. But this decision to support violence had no
consequences, The government information service AOD concluded in 1970 that
CZA/DAFN “has no dealings/contacts (zich inlaten met) with all kinds of
subversive elements or guerilla movements or supports them financially, like
(zoals) for instance the World Council of Churches”.
At the end of the 1960’s the Dutch
interest in the developments in Southern Africa increased, but CZA became more
and more passive. On 23 August 1971 CZA-DAFN concluded that it had failed in
its assignment (taak): “There is
money in the Netherlands, and we CZA-DAFN do not succeed in fetching/recovering
it (het eruit te halen). There is a large market for a good action group, but
we do not succeed in mobilizing and organizing enough people. What we
miss is the fanatism for motivated campaigns (om gemotiveerd actie te voeren), the men power and the capability to
attract new people, an organiser, a full-time unpaid campaigner, new ideas...
Many people and groups outside CZA/DAF can’t wait to join in our work, but as a
consequence of different circumstances from the past and the present they are
not integrated in the present team... Of these pressing newcomers nothing is
for sure, but in each case they are strongly motivated, fanatical/enthusiast
(fanatiek) and they have much manpower. So the solution is obvious.”
A few months after this meeting CZA was dissolved (werd ontbonden)
to make room/way (plaatsmaken) for the more radical Anti-Apartheids Beweging
Nederland (AABN). DAFN continued as an independent organization. But partly as
a consequence of the long passivity of CZA in 1970/71 two other Dutch
Anti-Apartheid organizations were founded, the Working Group Kairos (Christians
against Apartheid) en the Boycott Outspan Actie (BOA). In addition there was
still a fifth solidarity organization with the Portuguese colonies in Southern
Africa, the Angola Comité. They would all play an important role in the Dutch struggle
against apartheid.
Defense and Aid Fund
Netherlands (DAFN) 1971-1991
The Dutch branch of IDAF was to
continue its activities for another twenty years until IDAF closed in 1991.
During its existence DAFN collected in total 4 million euro, which made it the
largest contributor amongst the different national IDAF-committees. In addition the Dutch government contributed 2
million, the Dutch churches half a million.[3]
Most of the money from the public was collected through a
system of “gezinsadoptie” (family adoption). Persons or groups of persons would
contribute for a long period each month a fixed amount of money for one or more
families in South Africa.[4]
In the early 1980’s the work of
DAFN was stagnant (stagneerde) as a result of a confect with IDAF. Both the
Dutch and the Swiss branch considered leaving IDAF because of its bad
management and lack of transparency. The Swiss left, but when IDAF was
restructured in 1984 DAFN changed its conditional membership again into a full
membership. F29/30 After this enforced (noodgedwongen) years of silence DAFN
entered into a long term co-operation on South African political prisoners with
Kairos (“Christians against Apartheid”)
“Through Kairos it could find/get connection (aansluiting) again with
the other Dutch anti-apartheid organizations.”
F30 In 1987 it moved into the Kairos office.
DAFN had lost something of its
timidity of the first period of its existence and started to act more in
public. In 1979 it campaigned in
co-operation with VARA-television to collect toys and money for the Zimbabwean
refugee children in Mozambique. DAFN organized a fundraising campaign amongst
university staff for scholarships for former political prisoners (1986), a
campaign to send protest postcards to P.W.Botha against the imprisonment of
children (1987). In co-operation with VARA-television a documentary film was
produced and 150.000 euro was collected for children in South Africa. In 1990
200 Dutch judges send a letter to their colleagues in South Africa, appealing
to them to use their function to demolish apartheid.
The Anti-Apartheid Beweging Nederland (AABN) 1971-1975
The “motivated and fanatical
newcomers” that tried in vain to reactivate CZA were students from both
Amsterdam universities. The group had organized a demonstration in front of the
South African embassy against the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the
Republic, they organized an exhibition on fascism in South Africa in the Anna
Frank House, they disturbed a match against a visiting South African Springbok
polo team with smoke and paint bombs.
The initiator and key-man was
Berend Schuitema, a white and fanatical anti-apartheid South African student in
exile. He was already since spring 1970 in contact with CZA. One of the most
important points of discussion the new activists and between the old guard was
the need for “harsh campaigns” (“harde acties”) and the fear of the CZA board
that this would alienate its members. Finally on 13/11/71 the
Anti-ApartheidsBeweging Nederland (AABN) replaced the CZA. “Schuitema founded
the AABN and Schuitema was the AABN”, say the people who in that period worked
with him.
The AABN meant a total
break/rupture with the old CZA, where all political currents except the
communists were represented in the board. For the AABN apartheid was an
integral part (integraal onderdeel) of the capitalist system, and this system
should be combated (bestreden), both in the Netherlands and in the third world.[5] In
internal discussion papers the AABN presented itself as a “solidarity movement
on the basis of an anti-capitalist struggle”. The AABN “ has to be
reconstructed with the support of those organizations that participate in the
class struggle of the workers movement, that means who strive after a socialist
society.” The movement stated that it wanted to cooperate with the trade
unions, the left wing of the Labour Party and the Communist Party.
The AABN declared its solidarity
with the ANC and SACTU, with SWAPO , ZANU and ZAPU. At the first meeting in
Amsterdam (21-12-72) with the ANC-representative in London, Reg September, it
was agreed to meet in future twice a year. At this discussion Schuitema seemed
not to be too happy with the close ties that many in the AABN board had with
the Dutch communist party CPN: “These
bonds with the CPN are somewhat strange: the party shows little interest in
Southern Africa.” The AABN was also disappointed that the newspaper “De
Waarheid” of the party “shows in general little interest in Southern Africa,
more in Vietnam”. [6]
As the aim of the AABN was a total boycott of South Africa it
started listing and investigating the companies which continued to have close
links with apartheid South Africa. In 1972 it started a long-term campaign
against Philips because this Dutch firm was involved in breaking the arms
embargo. In 1974 the focus was on Estel/Hoogovens because this company wanted
to participate in a steel project in South Africa. The campaign was successful:
at a protest meeting with 1.000 participants, among them many workers of
Hoogovens, a resolution was adopted against the planned involvement in South
Africa. Hoogovens dropped the plans.
At the request of ANC-London AABN
and DAFN organized in September 1975 another art action for the benefit of the
political prisoners in South Africa.[7] At
this occasion ANC president Tambo spoke for an audience of a thousand people.
Moreover Tambo had for the first time a meeting with the Dutch government.
But during these years most energy
of the AABN went not to South Africa but to the liberation struggle in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe.
It was successful in proving that the Dutch tobacco industry imported one third
of its tobacco from Rhodesia, in defiance of the mandatory UN trade embargo
against that country. In order to find evidence Berend Schuitema at night
searched the dust/refusal bins (vuilnisbakken) of the trading firms, that were
waiting on the sideway to be empted by the dust collectors. He was severely
hurt when some warders/guards, who had been waiting for him, attacked him. This
incident marks (tekent) the perseverance and total dedication of Schuitema.
In cooperation with the trade union
NVV workers in the ports of Amsterdam and Rotterdam were approached to stop the
contraband trade with Rhodesia. The AABN was In cooperation with journalists of
the Dutch daily “de Volkskrant” and the “Daily Mirror” and the “Sunday Times”
in Britain Schuitema was able to expose Joba/Zephyr, an international trading
network with Rhodesia with branches in Switzerland, Liechtenstein and France.
The sensational exposures led to the prosecution of Zephir-Amsterdam and to
strengthening of the Dutch boycott legislation.
In November 1974 AABN organized in Amsterdam an international seminar on
the Rhodesia boycott.
The AABN
also supported SWAPO. A visit to the Netherlands by SWAPO’s secretary of labour
Solomon Mifima led to large publicity and fundraising campaign for SWAPO by the
large Dutch Industrial Union.[8] In
June 1975 at the congress of the trade union an amount of 100.000 euro was
symbolically handed over to Mr. Mifima.
During that summer Berend Schuitema and the South African poet in exile
Breyten Breytenbach had secretly visited South Africa. Both were part of
a new underground white resistance organization Okhela.[9] Breytenbach and about 75 other persons were
detained, Berend Schuitema could safely escape back to the Netherlands. But
some of his colleagues in the AABN did not welcome him as a hero who had been
courageous to set up underground activities in South Africa. Instead they
wanted to oust him from the organization.
It became a conflict between two key persons
in the AABN, Berend Schuitema and his former girl friend Connie Braam, who
worked at the AABN as an administrative secretary.[10]
Without informing the executive committee of the AABN she went to consult
ANC-London about the activities of Berend. When she returned she accused him of anti-communist activities.
The result of the crisis was that the executive of the AABN stepped down and
that Berend and many others left the movement with Schuitema. Amongst them was
the AABN-chairman Rev. Piet van Andel.
ANC-London sent a high delegation
of Duma Nokwe and Johnny Maketini[11]
to Amsterdam in order to stop the conflict and close the ranks. A ‘general
plenary assembly’ was organized where also all volunteers were welcome. Berend
was not invited for the meeting that would decide about his fate, and which he
remembers as “the night of the long knives”. Connie Braam concluded in her
book: the message was clear: “The ranks in the ANC were closed”. The ANC
delegation informed Berend about the decision. The AABN got a new board and a
new constitution
These developments in the AABN
confronted the KZA with a difficult problem. They relations with Berend
Schuitema had always been excellent, and now Schuitema and his team approached
the KZA with the proposal to join the organization and support its work. This
was an attractive proposal for KZA as it was a very motivated and capable team
that would be very useful for the coming campaigns.[12]
But for the KZA the underlying causes of the conflict in the AABN was unclear,
and they feared a bad relation with the AABN and with the ANC-London office. So
the proposal was turned down/rejected/declined.
[1] The
archives of CZA are kept at the Netherlands Institute for Southern Africa
(NIZA) in Amsterdam
[2] Buskes,
J.J., Zuid-Afrika’s apartheidsbeleid:
Onaanvaardbaar, Den Haag 1955
[3] The Dutch government contributed additional funds to
IDAF through the European Communities and the UN Trust Fund for South Africa.
B277
[4] When DAFN dissolved in 1991 many of these family
adoption groups wanted to continue. For that reason DAFN arranged that the
Komitee Zuidelijk Afrika (KZA) took over this responsibility from DAFN.
[5] The AABN
magazine “Zuidelijk Afrika Nieuws” no 97
[6] Minutes
executive AABN 24-4-72
[7] . AABN
was still connected with DAFN as both had inherited from CZA/DAFN a common
magazine. The first year DAFN had some pages in the AABN publication but this
cooperation stopped in 1976.
[8]
Industriebond NVV
[9] Okhela intended to organize South African whites, who
were opposed to apartheid but who did
not want to join the South African Communist Party (SACP). Like the ANC Okhela
saw its future in the armed struggle. The background of the conflict were
probably conflicting opinions in the ANC leadership. ANC-president Tambo and
Johnny Makatini encouraged the plans. According to Schuitema he met Tambo in
Dar es Salaam before the secret trip to South Africa, and “Tambo told us that
he had invested great faith in the Okhela initiative and that its existence
should be kept strictly confidential.” After
his escape from South Africa Schuitema went to the ANC headquarters in Lusaka.
“After the consultation Tambo sent me on my way back to Amsterdam with specific
instructions to ‘keep tight lipped’ and continue my work in the AABN.” Probably
the SCAP members saw Okhela as a threat to their position in the movement.
During the conflict in the AABN Tambo was by coincidence in Amsterdam at a
conference in support of the South African political prisoners. As he wanted to
speak to Schuitema in private he left his hotel very early in the morning while
the other members of the ANC delegation were still asleep. (interview with
Herman van der Schaar, Amsterdam October 2005)
[10] Connie
Braam’s version of the conflict can be found in her book “De bokkeslachter”, 1993, Meulenhoff, Amsterdam. Berend Schuitema
reacted in his “Amsterdam Footnotes”,
East London February 1995 (not published)
[11]
“Although the eight members of the ANC in London that were thrown out of the
movement were his close and moreover like-minded friends, Makatini was until
that moment kept outside of harm’s way.” De
Bokkeslachter, pg 184
[12] “The
international sanctions campaign which was being spearheaded by the AABN
suffered a serious setback and only fully recovered its pre-1975 momentum ten
years later. “ Berend Schuitema in the Amsterdam
Footnotes.
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